Die Ilir Meta Mafia des Wirtschafts Ministerium schweigt, über den Betrug mit Rezart Taci und Frank Wisner!

 Auch eine Woche, nachdem der Profi Gangster Rezart Taci, behauptete 170 Millionen €, seien nun von Vetro Energy überwiesen worden, gibt es keinerlei Bestätigung, was auch schwierig ist, wenn das FBI ermittelt. Die letzte Meldung des Ministeriums war nur: kein Geld Eingang, wo dann ihre privaten Beteiligungs und Erpressungs Planungen ganz erheblich durcheinander gekommen sind. Der Welt Gangster Nr. 1: Frank Wisner schweigt ebenso dazu, obwohl er doch NATO Vorbeter ist und die Weltbank Privatisierungen, sind sowieso nur ein kriminelles Enterprise in Albanien, wo Nichts funktioniert.

Lustig wie immer Edmond Haxhinasto, der sowieso nicht kapiert, was er macht und die Berufs Krimijnellen deckt im Ministerium.

Das Erpressung Wirtschafts Ministerium in Albanien mit: Kastrioti Islamailaj, Ilir Meta bis zu Kongo Waffen Geschäften 

Die “Skrapari” Bande des Ilir Meta und der Cousings der Dervishi Familie 

Alles Show im Betrugs Geschäft rund um Taci Öl, mit seinen Pleite und Geldwäsche Tankstellen in Albanien.

Das FBI ermittelt nun gegen: Salih Berisha und dem kriminellen Enterprise des Frank Wisner mit Rezart Taci 

11/4/2011

Die US Mafia mit Frank Wisner, Patton Bogg’s foreign affairs advisor – Alb Petrol

Der Betrugs Skandal rund um gefälschte Bank Garantien der Tirana Mafia mit Rezart Taci, Ilir Meta, Salih Berisha und dem Gangster Frank Wisner

Im September

Ein Standard Betrugs Geschäft des Frank Wisner: die geplatze Bank Bürgschaft des Gangsters Rezart Taci
update: 25.11.2012: Rezart Taci, kann bis heute keinerlei Dokumentation vorlegen, wie er das finanzieren will, ebenso war seine Bank Garantie eine Betrugs Nummer und keine Zahlung erfolgte, trotz klarer Ausschreibung und Fake-Bank Garantie.

Frank Wisner, sass ja auch schon im Board von der grössten Pleite Betrugs Firma der Welt: ENRON. Peinlich das auf solche Verbrecher die NATO hört und diese uralte CIA Gestalt und des US Statedepartment auch noch zur Münchner Sicherheits Konferenz eingeladen wird. Frank Wisner wird nun offiziell ebenso als Betrüger von prominenten Journalisten bezeichnet, und wie bei ENRON vor 10 Jahren und World.com, immer an jedem Betrug beteiligt. Da sind die inkompetenten Idioten des Wirtschafts Ministers, die einfachsten Opfer, denn durch die Staats Aufsicht ist auch bekannt, das diese Leute, zu dumm und korrupt sind, überhaupt die Öl Lizensen und ihre Verträge zukontrollieren.

2 Nëntor, 2012 Ekonomi / Flash | nga AMA-News
Mashtrimi/ Lobisti Wisner tha se banka i kishte paratë për Albpetrol

Nun sind die Verhandlungen wegen der faulen Bank Bürgschaft nicht aufgenommen worden, weil die Comedy Betrugs Truppe rund um Rezart Taci, einen Berisha Financier, selbst die Verhandlungen nicht aufnehmen konnte. Oft gibt es 3-4 Taci Tankstellen in Albanien auf nur 3-500 Meter wie bei Durres, aber man kann über 100 km fahren und an keiner der Tankstellen sind Kunden. Ein Ökonomischer Schwachsinn, so ein Betrugs Modell auch noch verkaufen. Ausserdem sind die Bank Konten des Rezart Taci gepfändet, aber die Medien erhalten alle Werbe Aufträge für Taci Öl, so das die gefälschte Bank Garantie unterging, wo praktisch nur wir darüber berichteten, denn die US Bank ist nicht einmal im Ausland aktiv, sondern eine kleine Lokale Bank. “0 % der Kauf Preises von AlbPetrol wären nun also 175 Millionen € fällig gewesen, aber die Bank Garantie entpuppte sich wieder mal als Luft Nummer.
Rezart Taci, versucht die Beschlagnahme seiner Konten in Albanien zuvertuschen

Die Gangster im Albanischen Wirtschafts Ministerium, wo man nur einen Rückblick machen muss auf 2001, was diese Ilir Meta Gestalten schon damals trieben.

Die militanten Banditen des METE Ministerium, wollen 1 Miliarden € von der CEZ erpressen 

Der Energie Konzern CEZ, der sich durch Bestechungs Orgien selbst in Albanien ruinierte 

2 Responses to “Die Ilir Meta Mafia des Wirtschafts Ministerium schweigt, über den Betrug mit Rezart Taci und Frank Wisner!”

  1. Zogaj Leku sagt:

    Die durchgeknallte Frau, war 2001 beim Georg C. Marschall Centrum eingeladen, was die Pyschopatin Mariza Lino veranlasste, als US Botschafterin

    Case of Monika Kryemadhi v. Astrit Patozi
    In August 2000 Monika Kryemadhi, head of the Socialist Party youth organization and spouse of
    Prime Minister Ilir Meta, brought criminal and civil defamation charges against the editor-in-chief of
    Rilindja Demokratike, Astrit Patozi, and two reporters of the same newspaper, Redin Hafizi and Shemsi Peposhi. Although a judge of the Tirana District Court heard all three cases in the same trial, the objects of the charges were three separate articles that were each written by, or attributed to, one of the defendants. Even though it can be argued that some of Hafizi and Peposhi’s respective allegations or criticism of Kryemadhi were overlapping, there was no claim or finding that they conspired to defame Kryemadhi. The article for which Patozi was sued stood completely alone. In view of these
    circumstances, the joinder of the three cases into one appears to have been unjustified.102 For this reason, they will be discussed separately in this section, starting with Patozi’s case.
    In July 2000 RD published on page five an article with the headline “Monika, six thousand dollars a
    month only at the Rogner” and the deck “Where does the prime minister’s spouse find all this money?”103
    The article, signed “RD,” alleged that Kryemadhi spent thousands of dollars every month at one of
    Tirana’s most exclusive hotels. The anonymous author quoted an unnamed “employee” of the hotel as
    saying that “the bills of the prime minister’s wife go anywhere between 300,000 and 500,000 lekë” on an
    average day, and that she was “a daily customer” at the hotel. Then the article went on:
    In fact, that sum [$6,000] may not be so huge if one compares it to [the proceeds] of a
    smuggled tractor-trailer or a cannabis shipment; but if one has to trust Prime Minister
    Meta when he says that he is fighting corruption, it is a hell of a lot of money. … There
    have been rumors for a long time that the prime minister’s spouse is deeply implicated
    in corruption, abusing not only her husband’s position but also her own, old and new,
    connections. … It is appalling to see that such huge expenses, which are five times
    greater than the Meta family’s official income, are little more than pocket money for the
    prime minister’s lady. … But it is easy for Monika to spend all this money, which goes
    into the pockets and safes of her household simply because her husband is the prime
    minister.
    99 Judgment 375/00, note 95 above.
    100 Judgment of July 19, 2000 (no. 347), Tirana Court of Appeals (unpublished).
    101 Human Rights Watch interview with Artan Hoxha, note 88 above. At the time a criminal fine that was not paid within the legal deadline was converted into prison time, at the rate of one day per 1,000 lekë. (Law 8733 changed the rate to one day for 5,000 lekë.)
    102 In Albania, joinder of criminal cases is possible under certain defined circumstances. See ACCP, secs. 79 and 92.
    However, none of those appear to apply to the charges brought by Kryemadhi, and the district court judgment is
    completely silent on the joinder issue.
    103 “Monika, six thousand dollars a month only at the Rogner”, Rilindja Demokratike, July 21, 2000.
    Human Rights Watch 36 June 2002, Vol. 14, No. 5 (D)
    Kryemadhi brought section 120 criminal libel charges against Patozi as editor-in-chief of the
    newspaper. A judge of the Tirana District Court held that Patozi “produced no evidence to prove the
    truthfulness of the statements made in the article” and found him guilty.104 Patozi claimed that revealing the name of the hotel employee who provided the information to RD would have certain and serious repercussions for that person. More importantly, however, Patozi’s counsel argued that shifting the burden of proof to the defendant–rather than requiring the damaged-accuser to prove both the falsity of the factual allegations and the defendant’s malicious intent–violated the constitutional principle of presumption of the defendant’s innocence.
    Patozi’s burden of proof challenge is compelling. Both the Albanian Constitution and the ACCP
    establish that a defendant in a criminal case “shall be presumed innocent so long as his guilt is not proven
    by final judicial decision.”105 The requirement that the prosecution must bear the burden of proving all
    elements of a criminal offence is a direct outcome of the presumption of innocence. The European Court of Human Rights has expressly made this point in interpreting the ECHR’s “presumption of innocence”
    clause:106
    [Paragraph 2 of article 6] requires, inter alia, that when carrying out their duties, the
    members of a court should not start with the preconceived idea that the accused has
    committed the offense charged; the burden of proof is on the prosecution, and any doubt
    should benefit the accused. It also follows that it is for the prosecution to inform the
    accused of the case that will be made against him, so that he may prepare and present his
    defense accordingly, and to adduce evidence sufficient to convict him.107
    The fact that section 120 criminal libel charges are not brought and investigated by the public
    prosecution, but directly by the victim, does not eliminate the presumption of innocence. Indeed, article
    59 of the ACCP provides that the damaged accuser is entitled to “participate as a party to the trial [in
    order] to prove the charges ….” Despite any similarities with private actions, section 120 charges are
    criminal charges that may lead to criminal sanctions and all the social stigma that comes with them. By turning the presumption of innocence upside down in the Kryemadhi cases, the district court violated the defendants’ fundamental right to a fair trial under the Albanian Constitution and the ECHR.
    In Patozi’s case the court also violated his right to protect journalistic sources. The judge dismissed
    Patozi’s refusal to reveal the identity of the hotel employee as “without any legal basis.” While there is
    no general provision in Albanian law that protects journalists from compulsory disclosure of their
    confidential sources,108 protection of sources is an essential element of internationally guaranteed press
    freedoms. The European Court in Strasbourg, for one, has described such protection as “one of the basic conditions for press freedom” in a democratic society, and held that “limitations on the confidentiality of journalistic sources call for the most careful scrutiny.”109 An enforceable right to withhold the source of 104 Judgment of November 1, 2000 (no. 687), Tirana District Court (unpublished) (hereinafter Judgment 687/00).
    105 Constitution, art. 30; ACCP, sec. 4. See also note 96 above.
    106 Article 6.2 of the ECHR provides that “[e]veryone charged with a criminal offense shall be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law.”
    107 Barbera, Messegue and Jabardo v. Spain, Judgment of December 6, 1988, Series A no. 146, para. 33.
    108 The ACCP provides limited protection for “professional journalists” who appear as witnesses in criminal trials:
    journalists are entitled not to disclose the “names of persons from whom they have received information in the
    course of exercising their profession.” However, if the information received by such persons “is indispensable to
    prove a criminal offense and the truthfulness of such information can only be established through the identification of the source,” the court may order the journalist to disclose the source’s identity. ACCP, sec. 159.3.
    109 Goodwin v. the United Kingdom, Judgment of March 27, 1996, Reports 1996-II, Vol. 7, para. 40.

    http://www.hrw.org/reports/2002/albania/albania0602.pdf

    Case of Monika Kryemadhi v. Redin Hafizi
    The object of the civil and criminal actions against Hafizi was an article about the accidental death of
    two workers in a quarry located in Zall-Dajt (east of Tirana) in which, it was alleged, Kryemadhi had a
    property interest.124 According to the article, the two victims were untrained workers who were killed
    while preparing one of the explosions used to obtain the stone. The article quoted statements by Zall-Dajt villagers that Kryemadhi acted as the “boss” of the quarry and visited the site often “in a sport utility
    vehicle to monitor the work.” The article also suggested that Kryemadhi was indirectly liable for the two deaths:
    … ten days before the incident Ilir Meta’s spouse, blinded by the profits of the [quarry],
    had fired the dynamite experts and experienced miners, and replaced them with strapped
    [untrained] fellows that are in abundance in that area. One of the fired dynamite experts
    related that Monika fired them because they refused to accept a salary reduction.
    The article went on to claim that the “massive explosions” and the “lack of the most basic technical
    security” at the quarry could one day “blow up an entire village.” It concluded by accusing the quarry
    management of failure to pay workers social security and other benefits as required by law.
    RD published also, on the same page, the facsimile and full text of a letter allegedly sent to the
    newspaper by Adem Mancaku, brother of one of the victims, Bajram. The letter charged that “Ilir and
    Monika had killed [Adem Mancaku’s] brother and his friend” and reflected many of the other allegations
    contained in Hafizi’s article.

  2. Balkansurfer sagt:

    Alles muss verkauft werden mit privaten Beteiligungen

    More than 100 million EUR for 4 HPPs
    21/12/2012

    The Ministry of Economy officially opened the offers for selling four small hydropower plants in Bistrice, Ulez and Shkopet. The first tender that included the sale of two Bistrica power plants had eight offers, but the biggest came from “Kurum”.

    Even in the second power-plants, the biggest price was also offered by Kurum.

    The Commission is reviewing the files and will find a winner based on an evaluation system that also includes the financial and technical side of a process that lasts one week to one month after the offers are collected. The four hydropower plants put on sale have a capital of 10.7 billion ALL.

    This is the second time that the government is trying to sell four hydropower plants in two separate companies. The first tender failed after no offer was presented, what obliged the government to amend the privatization law by giving more guarantee for buyers, including an offer to sell the produced energy with a higher price. The successful tender will enable the government to receive 110 million EUR, money that will be used for investments in the next months, before the Parliamentary elections.

    With the state budget law, the government allowed itself to use the privatization money without the Parliament’s consent, what caused great debates between the majority and the government.

    http://www.top-channel.tv/english/artikull.php?id=7855

    siehe HEC Betrug

    http://news.albania.de/2011/08/15/die-salih-berisha-bande-plundert-albanien-aus-mit-den-wasser-kraftwerks-lizenzen/#comment-16923

    und

    http://news.albania.de/2011/08/11/fbi-nimmt-einen-us-albanischen-investor-und-albanisch-geschaftsleute-betrieben-ein-heroin-labore/